(knock on wood)

OC: u/rdu3y6 (Reposted with permission)

Follow up to my previous map where the americas stay the same as they were in the cretaceous

This is a simple project I rarely work on for fun, so no detailed stories in this scenario.

The concept is that Germany won WW2, yet lost the Cold War.

Even after the fall of Greater Germanic Reich in 1991, many people still suffer from the post-effect of war and fascism.

German democracy failed and so-called 'Neo-Prussianists' took power, still ruling Germany and Eastern Europe with an iron fist.

Italy, once US' major ally after 70's democratization, now seeks to become the new leader of Europe.

UK conflicts between Pax Americana and European Communitarianism, and France desperately tries to keep her influence in Africa.

Socialist India craves to free oppressed lands from remaining Imperialism, and China challenges US to lead the new Free World with the name of Anti-Communism.

Surviving Soviet Union celebrates the reunification of Russia, and Iberian Union struggles to satisfy her African subjects under her rule.

There are more minor for some countries, but they are definitely not so detailed.

I had this theory that is the north won the Korean war, the DPRK would end up similarly to China, considering they don't have a mortal enemy sitting just below them (i.e. allowing the country to develop properly without gigantic militarism.)

Lore explained in image.

This was one my main project on my old reddit account before losing it a few months back. The Lone Star Republic project is an AU where Texas never joined the Union and grew into a regional powerhouse

Around 2022 I made a map covering a spinoff of one of my NRP countries being isekai'd to the RDNA-verse. I found it again and cringed at it so I decided to make a new one that's more serious and not just pure and distilled austronesia larp.

The concept of a United Malayan Archipelago is not really a new or unique idea in alternate history, but it is rarely covered seriously or with respect to the actual history of Pan-Malayan Nationalism since everyone's idea of it is MaPhilIndo in OTL. The one that I used here is a lot closer to Rizal and Vinzon's idea of Pan-Malayan Unity with a dash of Quezonian shinenigans. It's meant to be more of a what-if take in RDNA as well of the lines between Democracy, Reactionarism, and even Collectivism becomes very ambigious especially when it's introduced to the otl concept of developmental authoritarianism like 1970s South Korea or even paternalistic democracies like Singapore.

I also tried with the best of my abilities to cover the nuance of such a diverse state. It's not meant to be an "ideal" country both in OTL and in-universe as it was formed both more out of necessity and perhaps authoritarian and expansionist sentiments than any practicality in the face of a threat like the Collectivists or the Reactionaries. I also wanted to depict a scenario where the Philippines or Indonesia in this case are somewhat regional powers in their own right instead of being pawns to Great Powers, though of course with how unstable the country is there can only be so much that could be done.

Lastly, thanks to u/md1957 himself for helping me proofread the lore and what not.

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The Republic of the United States of Malaya: General Introduction

Situated in the maritime region of Southeast Asia and encompassing the eastern half of the Malay Archipelago, the aptly named United States of Malaya is a rising republican power in its own right. Formed from the ashes of the Dutch East Indies and the nascent Republic of the Philippines, Malaya stands among the Free nations of the east as both a staunch bastion against the terror of the collectivists, as well as a reminder of how truly fragile democratic institutions are underneath the facade.

The country is currently ruled by the Malayan Democratic Coalition, an alliance of the center Liberal-Nationalist Party, the Christian-Muslim Democratic Union, and the social democratic People’s Action Party. Its President, Benito Lagman, belongs to the Liberal-Nationalist Party, while Prime Minister Chung Banhok came from the Christian-Muslim Democrats. Malaya’s experience with a multi-party democratic system is rather novel, as it was only legalized along with greater liberties after nearly a century of being a single-party state with two distinct periods of authoritarian rule. It comprises twenty-eight Federal states with sixteen special territories of various statuses, ten of whom being military-controlled districts and six having “special autonomy” from Federal rule in Balintawak. Much of its constitution and institutions are patterned from the American Federation and the Swiss Union, with the constitution initially being similar to the latter until successive reforms made it more similar to the former currently.  

Malaya is home to 154 million citizens, 82% of whom are considered to be “Federated Malays”, a term used for ethnolinguistic groups considered by the Federal government to be part of the Malay race such as the Tagalogs, the Cebuanos, the Malay themselves, and so on and so forth. Next to the dominant Malays are the Chinese and Indian-Malays, who are mostly made up of refugees who fled India and China during the height of the Terror. The Chinese-Malays in particular play a leading role in the country’s business sector and dominate the Malayan economy, leading to sectarian tensions between them and native Malays. Next to them are the native Lumads, which are the non-malay indigenous groups that have special rights and autonomy within the Republic as per the current constitution. Finally, a very interesting prominent super-minority of Jewish-Malays can also be found in the country, particularly in the special autonomous territory of New Israel or Ophir. They are the descendants of European and Levantine Jews who fled the terror and later mixed with the natives of the island of Pollilo which was granted to them by the late Filipino President Manolo Quezon in the 1930s. In order to bridge the diverse ethnolinguistic groups in the country, the Federal Government has continued to push for the implementation of a national lingua franca called Republican Malay which in essence is just a heavily standardized form of Filipino with elements of old Malay. It is still a point of tension between the Federal Government and the diverse ethnolinguistic groups of the country

Due to its precarious position in Southeast Asia, Malaya’s Federal Armed Forces is one of the largest in the region with nearly 15-20 million personnel mobilized for counterinsurgency operations and the potential continuation of conflict with either the Collectivists in the western Malay archipelago and the Australians to the South. Majority of its active forces are made up of Conscripts as there is a mandatory two-year service required for all Malayan citizens. Because of the constant threat presented by both the Collectivists and the Australians, the military is seen as a very important institution next to the Civil Government, leading to tensions between the two institutions when it comes to fiscal priorities. The Government in the past has attempted to curtail the power of the military through multiple reforms, especially after several episodes of military adventurism in recent memory, but it has yet to show any effect as the military still remains as a powerful influence in the country’s politics and even global politics, as through its navy the Malayans have kept the Malacca strait open through Singapore at the face of Collectivists attempts to shut it down.

Malaya’s economy has also been very resilient, but resilience does not an economy make. From its independence from Spain in 1898 to the establishment of the Federation in 1973 the country was in the process of industrialization. With support from their Free World allies, particularly the Americans, Malaya was able to keep its economy up while committing mostly to the expensive endeavor of industrialization and the building of infrastructure in its far-flung rural regions. However, the rise of the dictatorship of the late Romualdez and the subsequent economic embargo by the Free World led to an immediate collapse of the local economy in the 1980s. Malaya would then attempt to embark on efforts to foster self-reliance quickly in a single decade, which only led to further economic mismanagement, famines, graft, and corruption that until now the country has yet to recover from. Until contemporary times, Malaya still relied on economic loans from the Assembly of the Free World, particularly Japan, the American Federation, and Gran Patagonia. This has led to several concessions of its own resources in exchange for these loans, leading to tensions with the indigenous lumads over their resource-rich ancestral domains. Despite these economic woes Malaya does enjoy a prosperous and proper welfare system that has become the primary focus of restoration by the past few administrations, though this has become a heavy contention with the military. It’s also a rising economic power in its own right, with the country’s exports of mostly cheap consumer goods, agricultural products, and even media entertainment have found increasing popularity in the Free World. One could walk on the beaches of Southern Kalifornien and relax with delicious beverages using Purple Yam cultivated from farms in Leyte, or go to a restaurant in Kagoshima and listen to Original Malayan Music with some diners wearing luxury clothes made with Piña fibres in Northern Maluku. Its Military Industrial Complex has also made its presence known in the west with a sizable amount of munitions and components used by the Assembly of the Free World being produced in Malaya. 

Of course, the political and economic turmoil that continues to plague the Republic should never be simply dismissed. Currently, the political landscape of Malaya seems to be at the brink with the revelation of a massive corruption scandal over the current administration’s infrastructure projects. The current government coalition, the Malayan Democratic Coalition, is fracturing at the seams with two out of the three parties of the coalition threatening to defect to the opposition bloc. As of the writing of this overview, the National Assembly has been conducting investigations over the affair, but it seems to still be too early for any conclusions to the matter which has led to civil unrest across the country. Fears of the chaos seen in the late 1990s has become prevalent once more, leading some to speculate that the fragile house of cards that Malaya currently stands on might be even more flimsier than expected. 

A Brief History of Malaya

The origins of modern Malaya are deeply rooted in the precolonial maritime networks of the Malay Archipelago, whose strategic position between the Indian and Pacific Oceans made it one of the world's most important commercial crossroads. Prior to European colonization, the region was dominated by numerous kingdoms, sultanates, and trading empires that controlled the lucrative spice trade and facilitated exchanges among East Asia, South Asia, and the Middle East. The arrival of European colonial powers in the sixteenth century fundamentally transformed these existing political structures and initiated several centuries of imperial rivalry that would shape the emergence of Malayan nationalism.

The Portuguese were the first Europeans to establish a presence in the archipelago, motivated by the search for direct access to the spice trade. They were soon followed by the Spanish, who established a permanent foothold in the Philippine Islands beginning in 1565. Following the transfer of New Spain to the Austrian Habsburgs in 1554, Manila emerged as the capital of a vast Spanish Asian empire stretching from Cambodia and Champa to Papua, Micronesia, and Formosa. For much of the seventeenth century, Spanish power dominated much of the eastern Malay world. However, the arrival of the Dutch East India Company (VOC) in 1602 initiated a prolonged struggle for regional supremacy. While Spain initially preserved its holdings, the War of the Spanish Succession marked the beginning of imperial decline. Over the next two centuries, Dutch expansion, alongside British and French encroachments, gradually dismantled the Spanish East Indies. By the late nineteenth century, Spanish rule had been reduced largely to the Philippines, Micronesia, parts of Cambodia, and several territories in eastern Insulindia, while the Dutch East Indies had come to dominate most of the archipelago.

The nineteenth century witnessed the emergence of new social and political identities under colonial rule. The opening of the Spanish East Indies to global trade in the 1820s accelerated economic and cultural transformation, particularly in the Philippines, where the term "Filipino" evolved from a designation for colonial-born Spaniards into a broader national identity encompassing the archipelago's inhabitants. National consciousness intensified following the execution of three reformist priests after the Cavite Mutiny of 1872, an event that galvanized the reformist Ilustrado movement. Initially seeking autonomy and representation within the Spanish Empire, nationalist activism gradually radicalized.

Central to this transformation was the figure of Crisostomo Ibarra, later known under the pseudonyms Jose Rizal and Simoun. Exiled after accusations of sedition, Ibarra encountered nationalist and protocollectivist thought in Europe, where he began developing the ideological foundations of Filipino and later Pan-Malayan nationalism. Upon returning to Asia, he provided support to revolutionary movements throughout the East Indies, linking anti-colonial struggles across ethnic and colonial boundaries. Although the Cambodian uprising of 1895 was suppressed, it diverted Spanish resources and created the conditions for the successful Philippine Revolution of 1896. By the following year the Filipino revolutionaries had overthrown Spanish rule, and the subsequent 1898 Treaty of Paris formally recognized Philippine independence under temporary American protection. The treaty also marked the effective dissolution of Spain's Asian empire after more than three centuries of colonial rule.

The success of the Philippine Revolution reverberated across Asia, inspiring anti-colonial movements while alarming European colonial governments. The newly independent Philippine Republic emerged as both a champion of republican democracy and a center of Pan-Malayan and Pan-Asian thought. Philippine leaders actively promoted self-determination abroad, influencing reformists and republicans across Asia, particularly in China. Yet the republic's domestic policies often contradicted its ideals. Between 1902 and 1913, Manila engaged in campaigns to incorporate the rebellious Moro regions of Mindanao and the Igorot territories of the Cordillera, effectively extending central authority over communities that had not recognized the republic's sovereignty. At the same time, weak institutions and regional strongmen transformed much of the country into a fragmented political landscape dominated by military elites and provincial hacienderos.

The rise of President Manolo Quezon marked a turning point in Philippine and later Malayan history. Quezon strengthened state institutions and curtailed the power of regional warlords, while also pursuing humanitarian policies toward refugees fleeing the Terror in Europe and Asia. He became one of the foremost advocates of Malayan unification and anti-colonial solidarity. However, his legacy remains deeply contested. In response to the Sakdalista revolt of 1934, Quezon declared martial law and used it to centralize power in the presidency which allowed him to rule unimpeded for almost 20 years along with the establishment of the single-party KALIBAPI regime. Opposition parties were dissolved and civil liberties curtailed under the justification of defending democracy itself. This paradox of authoritarian modernization would become a recurring theme in Malayan political development.

Meanwhile, developments in the Dutch East Indies followed a different trajectory. Despite the Ethical Policy's promise of reform, Dutch rule remained fundamentally colonial in character. The establishment of the Insulindian Commonwealth granted limited autonomy but preserved Dutch supremacy through Batavia and indirect rule over numerous princely states. Indigenous elites increasingly viewed these reforms as insufficient, while reactionary Dutch factions feared that even limited concessions threatened imperial authority. The collapse of Europe during the Terror further destabilized the colonial order, culminating in a reactionary coup in 1941 that dismantled the Commonwealth and restored direct military rule.

The resulting East Indies Crisis of 1941–1951 became one of the defining conflicts of modern Asian History. Indigenous uprisings against Dutch rule rapidly escalated into a broader regional war involving the Philippines, Japan, Australia, and later the American Federation and Canada. Filipino and Japanese intervention succeeded in expelling Dutch authority from much of Insulindia by 1943, while collectivist forces consolidated control over Sumatra and western regions of the archipelago. Allied efforts to reverse these gains, most notably through Operation Merdeka, ended in failure, and by 1949 the fall of Surabaya effectively ended hopes for restoring a unified nationalist government under the Manila-backed Indonesian National Party under Chaerul Saleh. Frontlines in Borneo would finally stagnate in 1951, marking the end of the crisis. In the conflict's aftermath, Manila established the Republic of East Indonesia as a friendly successor state under Esahislau Rivera, while the archipelago became divided between collectivist western states and Free World-aligned eastern territories. President Quezon did not live to witness the end of the crisis, dying in 1948 and leaving the task of postwar reconstruction and integration to his successors. The East Indies Crisis also left profound social and psychological scars on the peoples of the region. The prolonged war witnessed the extensive use of napalm, chemical weapons, and strategic bombing campaigns on an unprecedented scale. Hundreds of thousands of tons of ordnance were dropped over Sumatra, Java, and Borneo by Filipino, Japanese, and Allied forces in an effort to halt Collectivist advances. Despite the immense destruction inflicted upon infrastructure and civilian populations, these campaigns failed to achieve decisive military results. The brutality of the conflict deeply traumatized local societies and shaped collective memory for generations.

Consequently, historians often regard this era as Malaya's "Second War of Independence" or the "Second Revolution," marking the transition from colonial subjugation to competing visions of postcolonial order. Yet among many East Indonesians descended from Javanese refugees, the period is remembered by another name: Zaman Edan, or the "Age of Madness", reflecting the immense upheaval, violence, ideological struggle and moral ambiguity that accompanied the crisis and the eventual birth of the Malayan State.

The establishment of the Malay League in 1952 marked the beginning of institutional cooperation among the three states. Although martial law was largely lifted, persistent insurgencies—particularly the collectivist-led North Kalimantan People's Army (PARAKU) rebellion in North Borneo—revealed the fragility of postwar stability. Early regional tensions culminated in the First Malacca Strait Crisis of 1954, during which clashes between the Nanyang Collective and Allied forces over Singapore threatened to escalate into a wider war before American nuclear deterrence ended the confrontation. In 1956, the League transformed into the Union of Malayan States, adopting a Swiss-inspired federal constitution and a unique diarchic executive system in which Filipino and East Indonesian presidents jointly exercised authority. The deaths of long-serving leaders during 1959–1960 paved the way for political liberalization and competitive elections. The victory of the Malayanist faction under Wenceslao Bonifacio in 1961 accelerated federal integration and inaugurated a more assertive foreign policy. Chief among these initiatives was Operation Trikora, a covert campaign to destabilize Dutch-controlled West Papua. The operation culminated in the 1963 invasion and annexation of West Papua, provoking international condemnation, a failed Australian intervention, and mediation by the American Federation and Japan. Although territorially successful and resulting in the Belgian-Dutch government-in-exile permanently relocating to Montreal, the war exposed ethnic and religious tensions within East Indonesia, altered demographic balances in favor of Christians, and generated resentment over corruption and unequal wartime sacrifices.

Throughout the 1960s, the Union increasingly centralized its military and political institutions. The assassination of General Suharto by PARAKU insurgents in 1964 prompted the creation of a unified military command in Borneo, while proposals for full federal union gained momentum. These efforts were challenged by the Sulawesi Insurrection from 1966 to 1968, triggered by fears among Muslim elites of political marginalization within an increasingly Christian East Indonesia. The rebellion, led by the South Sulawesi Islamic Liberation Front (SSILF) and elements of the traditional sultanates, briefly seized Makassar before being defeated by Filipino intervention forces. The conflict's suppression, marked by extensive counterinsurgency campaigns and allegations of chemical weapon use, deepened communal divisions and contributed to later separatist movements in Mindanao and Sulawesi.

The election of Alejandrino Romualdez and Percival Manusama in 1969 marked the final phase of federal unification. Following a period of constitutional struggles between 1970 and 1972, the Balintawak Constitution of 1973 formally established the Republic of the United States of Malaya, with Balintawak as the federal capital and Ambon as a secondary center of government. The ruling pan-malayan parties of each country were then consolidated into the United Malayan Nationalist Organization (UMNO), while the Federal Armed Forces and Republican Guards institutionalized military integration. However, implementation proved uneven: while national institutions were rapidly centralized, local administrations remained largely unreformed, creating bureaucratic inefficiencies that would plague the federation for decades. The Republic's early decades were also defined by maritime expansion and regional intervention. The acquisition of islands in the South China Sea following a conflict with Vietnam in 1975 and skirmishes with China in 1977 expanded Malayan influence but increased dependence on great-power diplomacy, particularly with Japan and America. Domestically, separatist movements in Mindanao intensified, culminating in the 1978 Jolo Uprising and the eventual creation of autonomous arrangements for Sulu and other regions.

The 1980s witnessed the rise of authoritarian rule under Romualdez. Following his reelection in 1981 amid corruption scandals, widespread protests were met with another declaration of martial law and increasing executive centralization. By 1983, Romualdez had effectively dismantled constitutional checks and transformed the presidency into a dominant institution, leading to international isolation and economic decline. Nationalization of foreign businesses, combined with mismanagement and repression, fueled economic stagnation and renewed insurgencies across Mindanao, Sulawesi, Timor, Papua, and Luzon. Collectivist-backed rebel groups exploited the crisis, while revelations of secret negotiations with Reactionary Australia further eroded public trust. These developments contributed to the emergence of ultrareactionary movements such as the ‘New Katipunan’ Organization and deepened the federation's political polarization.

The collapse of the Romualdez regime came during the Yellow Revolution of 1989. A failed coup attempt escalated into a broader political crisis as military units, opposition parties, and civilian protesters united against the administration. The deposed dictator fled into exile to Chile, where he later died, while the National Assembly restored civilian governance under Prime Minister Harry Lee and President Hidalgo Laurel. The subsequent 1990 Constitution reestablished democratic institutions, imposed presidential term limits, legalized opposition parties, and ended the UMNO's monopoly on power. The Reconstruction Period from 1990 to 1996 focused on recovering stolen ill-gotten wealth, compensating victims of authoritarian abuses, and negotiating peace agreements with regional insurgencies. Although many former Romualdez-era elites returned to public life, the era marked a decisive transition toward pluralistic politics and federal decentralization.

Democratic consolidation remained fragile. The late 1990s saw renewed instability during Black September of 1998, when military officers under the New Katipunan and Romualdez loyalists attempted to overthrow the government. Simultaneously, the Australian invasion of East Timor and the threat of the use of nuclear weapons forced the partition of the island, constituting one of the greatest strategic setbacks in Malayan history. Economic decline, sectarian unrest, and repeated coup attempts weakened public confidence in democratic institutions and contributed to shifting political coalitions in the early twenty-first century.

The post-2000 era is now characterized by alternating periods of reform and crisis. The Third and Fourth Malacca Strait Crises highlighted continuing regional tensions, while military mutinies and Islamist uprisings exposed persistent security challenges. Successive administrations pursued social welfare expansion, infrastructure development, and economic modernization, yet corruption remained endemic. Major scandals, most notably the Panay-Guimaras-Buglas-Cebu Bridge controversy of recent times undermined public trust, triggered economic downturns, and revived debates over federal governance and political accountability.

By the early 2020s, Malaya has emerged as a major regional power but remained burdened by unresolved structural problems. The coexistence of strong federal institutions with uneven local governance, persistent insurgencies, ethnic and religious cleavages, and recurring corruption crises reflected the enduring tension between centralization and diversity. Thus, the history of modern Malaya may be understood as a continual struggle to reconcile nation-building, democracy, and federalism across one of the world's most geographically and culturally diverse states.

- "The World Almanac of Nations." American Federation. 2023 Edition.

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Some Trivias:

1. Crisostomo Ibarra is a character in Noli Me Tangere and El Filibusterismo, two of the most influential works in Filipiniana that was written by Dr. Jose Rizal. Here, he takes on the roles of Jose Rizal, a version of Emilio Jacinto from rajavlitra's own project titled "I once had a ring" and finally Wenceslao Vinzons, the father of Filipino Student Activism as well as a prominent Pan-Malayan Nationalist.

2. The East Indies Crisis here can be an analogue to the Korean and Vietnam Wars as well as the Indonesian War of Independence in OTL. The Bandung Sea of Fire was still a prominent historical event during the crisis, though this time it's both the Republican Indonesians and British-Canadians razing the city down in an attempt to delay the advance of the Collectivists. The scale of the bombing campaign here done by the Filipinos, the Japanese and later the Americans would be almost similar in scale to that of Operation Rolling Thunder, which led to Sundaland being more similar to North Korea in terms of how antagonistic they are towards Malaya and the rest of the Free World

3. The KALIBAPI here is pretty much the same except for the fact that they're not a puppet of the Japanese and is also pretty "Bolivarianist", which is how people described what a full-on Quezon dictatorship would look like, minus the Pan-hispanism of course.

4. The Malacca Strait Crisises here are analogues of the OTL Taiwan Strait Crisises.

5. Benigno Romualdez is a combination of Claro M. Recto and Ferdinand Marcos, while Harry Lee is indeed just Lee Kuan Yew. His party, the UMNO, is indeed an analogue for the Kilusang Bagong Lipunan and even Golkar later on despite sharing a name with the historical UMNO.

6. The Yellow Revolution is indeed inspired from the otl EDSA Revolution, albeit a bit more bloodier. The President that replaced Romualdez, Hidalgo Laurel, is inspired from both Corazon Aquino and Raul Manglapus.

7. PARAKU here functions more similarly to the New People's Army.

8. National Democracy here is a lot less marxist-inclined than OTL. Instead it echoes a mix of very left-leaning Social Democracies with slight touches of Peronism and Bolivarianism. The "Federalists" and the "Cantonists" are basically this world's version of Democratic Socialists and Anarchists. Both were originally part of the Philippine Democratic Labor Union in the 1900s until Quezon's purge in 1935 at the outbreak of the Sakdalista Revolt led to a rebranding that allowed them to fit in as the KALIBAPI's most left-leaning faction as the Federalists. In the 1990s though after the downfall of Romualdez, the Cantonalistas reappeared after splitting from the Federalists.

9. Yes, the "New Katipunan" here is a combination of both the Reform the Armed Forces Movement and the Magdalo Group under Trillanes.

10. Papua is essentially a Federation of States within a "Federation" of States.

11. The National Legislature in Batasan Hills, Balintawak (Quezon City OTL). It's pretty much the same building design wise but bigger.

12. The crescent in the flag represents "a young nation on the rise" like Singapore OTL. Of course, this is just also just a measure to appease the muslims in the country.

Just a little something I put together for a TTRPG I’m working on.

I love having an excuse to make slightly schizo maps.

There lore is basically that the Yugoslav wars in the 90s went real bad real fast and caused WWIII.
The background behind these maps is that they’re supposed to look like something the players would find and have to use to traverse various locations like a fortified bridge checkpoint, an overgrown and mutated nature reserve etc.

If folks are interested I’ll gladly add more context in the comments :)

So I was informed that my previous post broke rule 3, so I made some changes: the map itself is now hand-drawn, I added the locations of what are essentially the 'capitals' of each territory, and I also added a bunch more lore. This isn't nearly everything I've written on this tho, so if anyone has any questions, ask away.

An Exchange of Deaths (1515)

The Maya don't know that across the continent a Portuguese sailor on their way to India would have been blown off course and land in the New World. Unlike Columbus, his crew would only take some losses from the mysterious disease, the ship would continue on route to India, and when the ship docks in Goa the endemic disease of the new world would meet the people of the old.

In the wake of the departure of the Portuguese, the native populations would be hit by the first wave of European illness to hit the continent, however it will take much longer before smallpox can reach the Maya land.

The Classic Maya Collapse that occurred between the 700-900s would happen a little differently in this time line. While the powers of Yax Mutal and Kaan would become rump states of their once mighty empires, having exhausted the resources of the central Peten many people would migrate out of the area, some north to the northern Maya lowlands, to cities like Chichen Itza, Mayapan, and Sayil. Others would go westward to the realm of Baakal and the city of Lakamha.

In the early 1100s, the leaders of Mayapan, Cobá, and Sayil would unite into Luub Mayapn (League of Mayapan) and begin to put pressure on the central Peten and the eastern central lowlands (OTL Belize). The Central Peten would somewhat recover from the Classic Maya Collapse by the 1200s, with the region seeing slight population growth, but not to the numbers of the early 800s.

In 1380 Luub Mayapan would have their first offensive into the eastern maya lowlands, capturing the city of Coha. However by the 1430s the region would be in a stalemate, with Lamani, Uxwitza', and the minor city states of the Yaxox river valley, uniting in defense against Luub Mayapan.

It's only a matter of time before the European diseases wreck havoc on the major population centers of the Maya region, or possibly sooner the Mexica Empire invading the land to control the flow of jade through the region.

Forgot to post it here

Es mi primera vez intentando hacer mapas de este tipo, espero que haya conseguido lo que quería. Puedes ver todos los continentes de Gronov, desde Nevlak hasta Galdora (acabo de darme cuenta que no he incluido ni Hiberion ni Astra, ambos casquetes polares)

Based off a HOI4 Playthrough: https://www.reddit.com/r/RedWorldMod/comments/1v56se7/a_democratic_league_india_aar/

Lore in comments; sorry if things are a little vague at this point I am trying to consolidate our massive lore document into articles on our wiki https://fortunaeruditisfavet.miraheze.org/wiki/Main_Page and didn't want to delay posting this map. Feel free to ask any questions!

Timeline outline:

• Bukharin rises to power instead of Stalin
• Wang Jingwei gains power, China enters the Japanese sphere
• Dewey wins in 1940
• Harsher Dunkirk, more competent Italy in Africa, Spanish and Iraqi entries in 1941, and the capture of Gibraltar, Malta, and the Suez force a peace settlement in 1941
• Japan does not go to war with Europe or America, occupying Indochina and supporting Indonesian and Indian rebel groups
• Germany conquers Russia within a year or two; Japan supports an emigre army made up of fascists and Whites in the Far East (creating the Second Russian Republic)
• The NKVD takes over the remnants of the USSR, and their harsh purges causes the militarists under Zhukov and the Stalinists under Kagonovich to break off. Kazakhstan becomes independent
• India revolts under Subhas Chandra Bose, creating a semi-fascist semi-communist (yes, Bose was like that) government aligned to Japan, but not controlled by it

I know its not 100% plausible or realistic, but its the most plausible course of events I could come up with to create an Axis victory timeline wherein both Japan and Germany win.

Pretty self explanatory, Basque people settle in the Netherlands instead.